Celebrating Racism,
Slavery and Exploitation
By MIKOspace
Next year 2019 has
been designated Singapore Bicentennial to mark the 200th year of the
founding of Singapore by the Englishman Sir Stamford Raffles, working for the
British East India Company (EIC) on behalf of the British Colonial Empire.
Singapore history is actually more than 200 years old with official verifiable
records from the middle of the first century (about 100AD), some 1,800 years
before Raffles.
Of course, Raffles
did not “discover” Singapore. Singapore was neither lost, obscure nor an
isolated and uninhabited island. Much documentary evidence points to events and activities
involving ancient kingdoms, wars, communities and economic trade.
History has been
revised to refer to Raffles as the founder of MODERN Singapore. This
attempt at re-creating history is even more dangerous and particularly
disingenuous in the absence of any evidence that any specific past British
Colonial policy was designed to create “modern” Singapore.
In a 10 June 1819 letter to his friend Colonel Addenbrooke, Raffles stated that “Our object is not territory but trade, a great commercial Emporium, and a fulcrum where we may extend our influence politically, where circumstances may hereafter require. By taking immediate possession we put a negative to the Dutch claim of exclusion, and at the same time revive the drooping confidence of our allies and friends; one Free Port is these Seas must eventually destroy the spell of Dutch monopoly; and what Malta is in the West, that may Singapore become in the East.”
Singapore colonial history
has been carefully packed in chewable childlike lessons: a barely inhabited
quite virgin island; Raffles’ landing (exact location unknown); promotion of
free trade; growth of entrepôt
trade; growth of immigrants from China and India; town planning; building of
government centre; and the development of necessary infrastructure to support
British rule over the local population and to preserve law and order so as not
to disrupt British and EIC business interests. The result is the erroneous conclusion that
her 140 years of British colonial rule has been the springboard and foundation
of today’s Singapore.
Our school history
textbooks have also propagated this alternative reality. It was familiar and uncontroversial, also
comforting without provoking any anti-colonial sentiments by fabricating false colonial
history to foster an unthinking and uncritical mind-set that the tools of
colonial subjugation have exceptionally moral good impact in Singapore, but not
seen in any other British Colonies!
As Singaporeans enter
the buzz and business of the Bicentennial, we need to deconstruct the myths of
benevolent colonialism to discover for ourselves, for the sake of our children
and grandchildren, the awesome truth that today’s MODERN Singapore would be impossible
if we had continued with British
colonial rule.
Racism
British colonialism,
like the French, Dutch and American, is based in part on racism even as it is appears
to be motivated by material wealth, financial gain and territorial expansion. They
believe they have a God-given right to govern and subject indigenous people in
continuous subjugation with their power and resources. The idea of a master
race is inherent in imperial powers to justify their right to exploit, degrade,
humiliate and rule over non-white peoples.
Many racist comments
in post-colonial Singapore can find its origins in British stereo-types,
especially targeted at Malays. A 1883
observation by Maj-Gen
Sir George Leith, that “They (Malays) are incapable of any labour
apart from the cultivation of paddy fields” sums up British sentiments regarding the
Malays at that time.
Years earlier by the
1870s, the British had already placed Malays at the bottom of the racial
competency order. In the 1879 Commission
Report into the Police of the Straits Settlements, the Singapore
Attorney-General Thomas
Braddell indicated that he preferred the “Klings” [Indians/Indian-Malay] to Malays as being more intelligent and
more active, and better disciplined as a body” as more suitable to be as
Police recruits.
A British tourist,
Isabella Bird, also observed the Malay’s lack of interest in industry in The
Golden Chersonese, 1883, p357:
“The
Malays won’t work except for themselves”
In May 1823, Sophia
Hull, Raffles’ wife, founded the Singapore Malay Female-School. A
report, betraying its racist bias and stereotype, expressed surprise at the
progress made by some of the students "considering
their native habits of indolence, and their want of energy."
It is clear that
race relations and racial conflicts in post-colonial Singapore are very much a
result of nearly 140 years of British policies based on their racist altitudes and
stereotypes regarding the Malays, Indians and Chinese communities. The various
communities were also separated into spatial residential clusters and allocated
to jobs based on “the ‘inherent’ biological traits of each race”. The
consequence of deliberate geographical segregation and institutionalisation of
jobs based on race effectively formalised the (artificial) differences among
the races. They also prepare the stage
for the eventual economic inequality among the races with the Malays and
Indians in lower pay jobs as compared to the Chinese.
Slavery
The growing
workforce of colonial Singapore in the 19th and early 20th
century composed of mostly indentured labourers. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 brought
increased maritime activities to Singapore as the larger steam-powered ships
became the major ocean ships.
Eventually, Singapore became the major port for the thousands of
labourers brought by labour agents from India, China, Bugis (West Indonesia),
the Malay Archipelago and the Dutch East Indies for the tin mines and rubber
plantations in Malaya. The Port of
Singapore thus became the major slave labour hub in the region even though
slave trading, but not slavery itself, was officially outlawed by the British
in 1807.
Colonial Singapore
would not have prospered without the forced labour needed to build roads and
bridges, work on the booming rubber plantations and tin mines, as well as
providing prostitutes, concubines and domestic maids to serve the rich
businessmen, British and Anglophile elites for nothing or pittance.
Under the British,
Singapore became a prominent network hub of slave traders which linked villages
in China and Japan to procure slaves and prostitutes. Even before Raffles,
Bugis ships have also regularly brought slaves captured from the Indonesian
Archipelago for trading or as gifts for government officials.
True,
we did not get to where we are today by accident or natural evolution. However, we also did not get here through
British Colonialism. The transformation
of Singapore from a fishing village to modern metropolis was not driven by the
vision and foresight of British politicians in London and their colonial
administrators. True again, independent Singapore
on 9 August 1965 did inherit a collection of laws, institutions, structures and
processes after a brief 2-year “marriage” to Malaysia. These colonial legacies
however were neither appropriate nor designed for nationhood and
nation-building.
For example, the
economy of Colonial Singapore was centred on entrepôt trade, which became
obsolete in the post-war global international trade faced by a fledging
Singapore economy. The journey to
modernity was not easy for an independent Singapore. As with Hong Kong on July 1997, the British
colonial masters had not actively address the critical issues of housing,
education and health because their only
goal was economic and the only interest was a British, not Singaporean, future.
Raffles’ 10 June 1819 letter (see above) clearly attested and confirmed as much.
The
notion that British colonialism was a tool for the moral good of Singapore,
and therefore should be celebrated as the driver of our modernity and as the
catalyst of Singapore nationhood is sorely misguided. It is a fallacy and has no historical truths.
As we carefully
deconstruct our long history of more than 2,000 years, we will realise that
most of us today (80%) came or were born after the British surrendered to the
Japanese in 1942. And about half (50%)
of us are born after Independence.
Singapore was in
fact abandoned by the British in the greatest surrender by the powerful British
military to a much inferior Japanese Imperial Army on bicycles. Colonial Singapore ended on 15 February 1942,
ostensibly the best Chinese New Year “ang-pow” present if not for the
subsequent Japanese unmitigated pogrom of cruelty, rape, killing and torture of
all things Chinese. The epiphany of
Singaporeans during the 1942-1945 war years was the realisation that we could
only depend on ourselves, and not the British or any outsiders. This is now deeply ingrained in Singaporeans
and drives the motivation of our National Servicemen and the indomitable Singapore
Armed Forces.
The Japanese surrender
on 12 September 1945 saw the shameless return of British colonial masters who
thought, wrongly, that business would be as usual with her former colony. In
April 1946, Singapore became a British Crown Colony to be ruled directly from
London. Again, Singapore was treated like a commodity not unlike the prostitutes
in her ‘red-light’ districts of Change Alley, Geylang, Keong Saik and River
Valley to be mounted by any conquerors.
The Japanese war
years have toughen Singaporeans to resist the restoration of Rule Britannia. The
British imposed martial law – The
Malayan Emergency - from 1948-1960 on security grounds to counter the
emergence of communism, whose fighters were bred and trained in the Anti-Japanese
Army during the war. During the
Emergency, the British suppressed legitimate civil and political protests through
legislations controlling the newspapers and radio, introduced arbitrary detention
with trial, banned workers unions and legitimate trade union strikes, deny ordinary
civil rights (enjoyed in Britain!), and banned legitimate anti-colonial
societies eg student unions, old boys association, farmers associations and trade
unions. All forms of challenge to
British colonial rule were ruthlessly struck down and make illegal.
Know that the
celebration of 2019 Bicentennials would also glorify the failed measures of the
Malayan Emergency. Ironically, if these
measures were successful, there would be no MODERN Singapore!
It is clear that
British rule over Singapore was never fully and effectively restored after the
War. And the battle for MODERN Singapore
began in 1945 with the Japanese surrender.
MODERN
Singapore is the creation of a small group of politicians and activists of various
political parties with somewhat conflicting ideologies, and NOT the
natural outcome of British colonialism.
The People’s Action
Party (PAP) led by Lee Kuan Yew eventually won the electoral right to flesh out and
actualise the aspirations of Singaporeans for a free, sovereign, just,
prosperous and equal nation. All the infrastructures, education, human talent, social
services and armed forces needed for MODERNITY were built from scratch from the
ground up. Nothing needed for MODERNITY
was inherited from the British colonial past. In repeated fair and transparent
general elections over the past 50+ years, the PAP has assured and ensured that
Singapore will never again be subjugated and subjected to the humiliation and
indignity suffered under the British and the Japanese.
The proposed
Singapore Bicentennial celebrations must provide the true history of Singapore’s
journey to MODERNITY which began in 1945.
Otherwise, it would be just a celebration of misplaced and wronged history!
Suggest we should wait for 2045 to truly commemorate 100 years of MODERN
Singapore.
“Until very recently Singapore’s past was a matter of supreme indifference for most Singaporeans simply because they believed this island never really had a history worth remembering…” – S. Rajaratnam, ‘The Uses and Abuses of the Past’, 1984.
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